Rewriting the French Revolution - Colin Lucas - Oxford.

In a conflict that is unique in its sheer complexity, the disposition and standing of rival fighting groups shifts on a near daily basis. There have been increasing reports on a new coalition of fighting groups who collectively are known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). But who are this new group? And, who are they fighting for?

In July 2016, the Al-Nusra Front apparently ‘broke’ formal ties with Al Qaeda renaming itself the Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS). However, in another re-brand JFS has now merged with four smaller groups to become the HTS.

HTS is led by Hashim al-Sheikh, also known as Abu Jaber, who was until very recently commanding general of the rival Ahrar al-Sham (AAS). In his new HTS role, Abu Jaber has turned on AAS in an increasingly bitter struggle for the Islamist mantle in Syria. This is seen by observers as a bid for supremacy by JFS.

In a conflict that is unique in its sheer complexity, the disposition and standing of rival fighting groups shifts on a near daily basis. There have been increasing reports on a new coalition of fighting groups who collectively are known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). But who are this new group? And, who are they fighting for?

In July 2016, the Al-Nusra Front apparently ‘broke’ formal ties with Al Qaeda renaming itself the Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS). However, in another re-brand JFS has now merged with four smaller groups to become the HTS.

HTS is led by Hashim al-Sheikh, also known as Abu Jaber, who was until very recently commanding general of the rival Ahrar al-Sham (AAS). In his new HTS role, Abu Jaber has turned on AAS in an increasingly bitter struggle for the Islamist mantle in Syria. This is seen by observers as a bid for supremacy by JFS.

The Tunisian Revolution [8] was an intensive campaign of civil resistance , including a series of street demonstrations taking place in Tunisia , and led to the ousting of longtime president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011. It eventually led to a thorough democratization of the country and to free and democratic elections.

The demonstrations were caused by high unemployment , food inflation , corruption , [9] [10] a lack of political freedoms like freedom of speech [11] and poor living conditions . The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades [12] [13] and resulted in scores of deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against demonstrators.

The protests were sparked by the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December 2010 [14] [15] [16] and led to the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 28 days later on 14 January 2011, when he officially resigned after fleeing to Saudi Arabia , ending 23 years in power. [17] [18] Labour unions were an integral part of the protests. [19] The Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet was awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize for "its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia in the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011". [20] The protests inspired similar actions throughout the Arab world, known as the Arab Spring .

In a conflict that is unique in its sheer complexity, the disposition and standing of rival fighting groups shifts on a near daily basis. There have been increasing reports on a new coalition of fighting groups who collectively are known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). But who are this new group? And, who are they fighting for?

In July 2016, the Al-Nusra Front apparently ‘broke’ formal ties with Al Qaeda renaming itself the Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS). However, in another re-brand JFS has now merged with four smaller groups to become the HTS.

HTS is led by Hashim al-Sheikh, also known as Abu Jaber, who was until very recently commanding general of the rival Ahrar al-Sham (AAS). In his new HTS role, Abu Jaber has turned on AAS in an increasingly bitter struggle for the Islamist mantle in Syria. This is seen by observers as a bid for supremacy by JFS.

The Tunisian Revolution [8] was an intensive campaign of civil resistance , including a series of street demonstrations taking place in Tunisia , and led to the ousting of longtime president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011. It eventually led to a thorough democratization of the country and to free and democratic elections.

The demonstrations were caused by high unemployment , food inflation , corruption , [9] [10] a lack of political freedoms like freedom of speech [11] and poor living conditions . The protests constituted the most dramatic wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades [12] [13] and resulted in scores of deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against demonstrators.

The protests were sparked by the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December 2010 [14] [15] [16] and led to the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 28 days later on 14 January 2011, when he officially resigned after fleeing to Saudi Arabia , ending 23 years in power. [17] [18] Labour unions were an integral part of the protests. [19] The Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet was awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize for "its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia in the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011". [20] The protests inspired similar actions throughout the Arab world, known as the Arab Spring .

SINCE HIS DEATH in 2002, Pierre Bourdieu has remained one of the most significant and commonly cited scholars in sociology. His 1979 book Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste was voted the sixth-most important work of sociology of the 20th century in a poll conducted by the International Sociological Association, and he is the rare sociologist whose ideas are widely diffused in the humanities. In the English-speaking world, interest in Bourdieu remains so strong that publishers, having brought out translations of his dozens of books, have more recently turned their attention to his lectures and unfinished manuscripts.

In the lectures included in Manet , Bourdieu sets himself exactly this task. He argues that Manet’s career was the catalyst for a “symbolic revolution,” a complete change in how people produced, looked at, interpreted, and valued visual art. Understanding how this transformation happened is no simple matter, because the art world Manet helped invent is the one in which we now live. “[T]here is nothing more difficult to understand than what appears to go without saying,” Bourdieu writes, “in so far as a symbolic revolution produces the very structures through which we perceive it.”

Bourdieu’s corpus is already so extensive, and his ideas already so embedded in sociology, that this new volume is unlikely to have much effect on his reputation or the use of his work. That is unfortunate, because the lectures in Manet provide a particularly lively approach to a topic on which Bourdieu is frequently misunderstood: how cultures change, sometimes quite rapidly and unexpectedly. Although he is often interpreted as a theorist of social reproduction, Manet offers a dynamic account of cultural change that improves on his earlier writings on cultural production.

 
 
 
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